The Centre for Democratic Movement (CDM), in fulfilment of its unwavering commitment to democratic accountability, good governance, and responsible citizenship, presents this one-year assessment of the administration of His Excellency John Dramani Mahama, following his assumption of office on 7 January 2025.
This review is grounded in observable governance outcomes, policy decisions, and their direct impact on the everyday Ghanaian, rather than partisan sentiment. Governance must be measured not by rhetoric, but by results—particularly those that affect livelihoods, institutions, and the future of Ghana’s democratic project.
1. Illegal mining (Galamsey): A national emergency ignored
One year into the current administration, illegal mining remains not only unresolved but demonstrably worsened. CDM is deeply alarmed by the escalating contamination of major water bodies, including rivers that serve as primary sources of drinking water for millions of Ghanaians.
Even more disturbing is the growing evidence of contamination of farm produce, posing severe public health risks and threatening national food security. Farmers and consumers alike are now exposed to the hidden dangers of heavy metals in the food supply.
The absence of decisive, transparent, and sustained government action against galamsey constitutes a grave failure of leadership. A government that cannot protect its water, land, and food systems cannot credibly claim to be safeguarding the future of its people.
2. Mass dismissal of public sector workers: A human and economic crisis
CDM condemns, in the strongest possible terms, the mass dismissal of public sector workers and other employees under this administration. These actions have deepened unemployment, disrupted families, and eroded confidence in job security within the public service.
While efficiency and reform are legitimate governance objectives, arbitrary dismissals carried out without due process or adequate social protection amount to economic cruelty. Governance must be humane. Workers are not expendable statistics; they are citizens whose livelihoods sustain households and communities.
3. Cost of living: The everyday struggle of the ordinary Ghanaian
Despite the relative stability of the cedi—hovering around GH¢10.60 to the US dollar—the cost of living remains unacceptably high, exposing a painful disconnect between macroeconomic indicators and lived realities.
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Utility tariffs continue to rise, placing unbearable pressure on households.
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Food prices remain volatile and largely unaffordable.
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Transportation costs persistently erode disposable incomes.
Economic management cannot be declared successful when ordinary Ghanaians are forced to choose between electricity, education, healthcare, and food.
4. Education Sector: Systemic failures and lost potential
a. Free SHS and the placement system crisis
CDM expresses deep concern over the poorly managed Computerized School Selection and Placement System (CSSPS), which left thousands of qualified students stranded, confused, or wrongly placed. This failure undermines equity and merit—core principles upon which the Free SHS policy was justified.
b. Declining academic outcomes
The mass poor performance recorded in the most recent WASSCE is not accidental. It is the predictable outcome of systemic neglect: overcrowded classrooms, inadequate learning materials, teacher fatigue, and policy inconsistency. Together, these factors have weakened educational outcomes nationwide.
c. Rising university fees
At the tertiary level, sharp increases in university fees have made higher education increasingly inaccessible to students from low-income households. This trend contradicts the promise of social mobility and risks entrenching intergenerational inequality.
Education is not an expense; it is an investment. The current trajectory is deeply troubling.
5. Attack on the judiciary: The removal of the Chief Justice
CDM unequivocally condemns the removal of the Chief Justice, which we regard as a direct assault on judicial independence and a dangerous precedent for Ghana’s constitutional democracy.
The Judiciary is a co-equal arm of government, not a subordinate institution. Any action that undermines its independence threatens the doctrine of separation of powers and weakens public confidence in the administration of justice.
No democracy thrives where the judiciary is perceived as vulnerable to executive interference.
6. Governance, rule of law, and public confidence
The frequent resort to nolle prosequi, the selective discontinuation of high-profile cases, and the perceived tolerance for impunity have collectively eroded public trust. Ghanaians expect fairness, not favoritism; justice, not convenience.
Democracy cannot survive on selective accountability.
6A. Internal security and the protection of life
1. State Obligation to protect life and property
Article 13(1) of the 1992 Constitution guarantees the right to life, while Article 18(1) protects the right to property. Together, these provisions impose a positive and non-derogable obligation on the State to take reasonable and effective measures to safeguard lives and property.
Over the past year, persistent security challenges—including the protracted conflict in Bawku—have heightened public concern regarding the State’s capacity to discharge this constitutional duty. Periodic violence, loss of life, displacement of civilians, and destruction of property in Bawku underscore the inadequacy of existing security interventions and conflict-resolution mechanisms.
Beyond Bawku, the broader rise in violent crime and general insecurity has further weakened public confidence in law enforcement institutions. Where citizens do not feel safe in their homes and communities, the social contract between the State and the governed is fundamentally undermined.
Under both domestic constitutional law and Ghana’s international obligations—including Article 4 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights—the State is required not merely to react to violence, but to prevent foreseeable harm through timely, coordinated, and effective security measures
2. National Security as a Constitutional imperative
Article 83 of the Constitution establishes the National Security Council and mandates it to ensure coordinated national security policy and effective responses to threats to peace and stability.
Persistent insecurity raises serious questions regarding:
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Strategic coordination
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Intelligence effectiveness
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Resource prioritisation within the national security architecture
Security failures disproportionately affect vulnerable and economically disadvantaged populations, compounding inequality and deepening public disaffection.
7. Commendable efforts
In the spirit of fairness, CDM acknowledges:
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Relative exchange-rate stability, which has provided some planning predictability
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Attempts at policy communication and national dialogue, though execution remains weak
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Renewed rhetorical focus on long-term infrastructure development, despite limited implementation
These efforts, however, remain insufficient to offset the significant governance deficits observed over the past year.
Conclusion: A year of missed opportunities
One year into the Mahama administration, CDM concludes that the gap between promise and performance remains wide. The lived experiences of Ghanaians—rising costs, environmental degradation, job insecurity, weakened institutions, and declining education outcomes—paint a troubling picture.
Leadership is not about survival in office; it is about delivering dignity, opportunity, and justice to the people.
CDM calls on the President to reset his governance approach, recommit to institutional independence, protect livelihoods, decisively confront galamsey, and place the welfare of the ordinary Ghanaian at the centre of policymaking.
